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Interraciality in early twentieth century britain: challenging traditional conceptualisations through s of ‘ordinariness’
The pair eventually moved to the Isle of Wight where they set up a laboratory. The pair were the granddaughters of a former black American slave who had escaped a Florida plantation and settled in Bristol in the s where he worked as a stonemason and met his white wife, Louisa.
Image courtesy of Bristol Archives, 7— Their daughter, Betty, was born three years later. The Centre hosts a vast archive detailing the lives of Butetown residents, many of whom were in and from mixed-race families. Image courtesy of Yvonne Foley.
Foley has campaigned for greater recognition of the brutal repatriation of Chinese seaman by the British government in —, many of whom were consequently forced to leave their white wives and children behind. The popular conception of interraciality in Britain is one that frequently casts mixed racial relationships, people and families as being a modern phenomenon. Yet, as scholars are increasingly discussing, interraciality in Britain has much deeper and diverse roots, with racial mixing and mixedness now a substantively documented presence at least as far back as the Tudor era.
In doing so, a more multidimensional picture of interracial family life than has frequently been assumed is depicted, one which challenges mainstream attitudes about conceptualisations of racial mixing both then and now.
Keywords: mixed race; interraciality; black history; social history; oral history; ordinariness; people of colour mixed race ; interraciality ; black history ; social history ; oral history ; ordinariness ; people of colour.
Indeed, since the pair stepped into the public eye, a feverish analysis and dissection not only of the interracial royal couple but, by extension, of interraciality 2 in Britain generally has featured prominently in contemporary British public discourse.
Yet, interraciality in Hampshire has much older, wider, and diverse roots. Across the centuries, contemporary sources repeatedly demonstrate not only the presence of racial mixing and girls but often its commonality. Certainly, while interraciality dating an increasingly notable feature white many portside communities from the nineteenth century onwards, it was not the preserve of the white working-class. Interracial marriages also occurred amongst the aristocracy, and the first half of the twentieth century has repeated s of racial mixing occurring in middle and upper class society, including the high profile mixed marriage of Lady Anne Coventry, a daughter of the 9th Earl of Coventry, who wedded Prince Victor Duleep Singh, the son of the deposed Maharaja of the Sikh Empire in Caballero and Aspinall However, as Balachandran notes Balachandranp.
Indeed, from the documentation of interraciality in Tudor Britain, it is the written s of predominantly white, middle-class academics, politicians, journalists, novelists, bureaucrats, social workers, trade unionists, church officials and other establishment figures who have heavily shaped public understandings of the experiences of racially mixed couples, people and families well until the late twentieth century Caballero and Aspinall Though, certainly, experiences of marginality, conflict, rejection and confusion can be repeatedly found in the history of interraciality in Britain, these do not constitute the whole story.
Rather, the history is an entanglement of multiple discourses, of different and perspectives, many of which offer challenging and competing viewpoints and understandings, most notably guys they are rendered by those who are themselves in or from interracial families. As Blandp.
This article thus contributes to this foregrounding of a more complex history of racial mixing and mixedness through exploring the presence and experiences of mixed-race people, couples and families in Britain in the early decades of the twentieth century specifically — Though this period is not commonly associated outside scholarly circles with interraciality in Britain, it in fact is an era when official concern and opposition to racial mixing featured prominently in public debate Caballero and Aspinall The wide-ranging commentaries and depictions repeatedly put forward by the media, government, academics, novelists, and other institutional contemporary forces at this time painted a picture that suggested the crossing of racial boundaries was a grim lived experience.
Yet, drawing on research seeking to uncover attitudes and understandings of mixed-race people, couples and families during this period, 7 a more multidimensional picture of interracial life than has frequently been assumed emerges, girls which shows itself to be full of challenges to mainstream depictions and understandings, both then and now. The East Enders had hardly faced this before, but after the Second World War the potential was there. Worthp. Yet, as discussed ly, racial mixing and mixedness were not uncommon in Britain before mass immigration in the s very visibly placed the issue of interraciality into the mainstream.
See Figure 1. Indeed, a considerable body of scholarship has drawn attention to the embedded presence of early twentieth century interraciality in Britain e. Belchamfor instance, has detailed the longstanding and wide-ranging racial mixing that has occurred in Liverpool for dating, as have Little  and Llwyd regarding the Cardiff area.
Furthermore, as Caballero and Aspinall have highlighted, black and other racialised populations in Britain were not simply a preserve of city life, or of the working classes. As was the case before the 20th century MacKeith ; Kaufmann white Livesaythere are fascinating glimpses of the racial diversity—and accompanying interraciality—to be found in the suburbs, towns and rural communities of Britain Hampshire the early twentieth century, as well as amongst the middle and upper classes. At the dawn of the twentieth century, the labour needs and opportunities of the British Empire saw the steady growth of a non-white population settle across Britain itself, and from the highlands of Scotland guys the coasts of Cornwall—and all the cities, towns, suburbs and rural locales in between—could be found a range of people drawn from Empire and beyond.
This population was diverse in both its racial and ethnic constitution, as well as its occupation: it contained not only the more typical settler populations of sailors and soldiers, but actors, musicians, students, doctors, vicars, barristers, journalists, aristocrats, politicians, diplomats, composers and business owners, labourers, cabinetmakers, colliers, firemen and fishermen amongst a myriad other professions see also Green As such, numerous white Britons and people of colour found themselves engaging in what Lamont and Aksartovap.
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Certainly, the pathways to interracial intimacy were many and not at all predictable. Some opened up during everyday, mundane interactions, such as in shops and passing encounters on the street, while others were the result of more glamorous sites: Youngerfor example, has documented many of the s of the wealthy Indian and South East Asian nobles who entered into relationships and marriages with white British women after seeing them perform on the stage see also Caballero and Aspinall Outside of the cities, the case of the solicitor George Edalji—the son of an English mother and Indian vicar of a South Staffordshire village wrongfully convicted in of animal maiming and writing poison pen letters to his family—is a relatively well-known example of the types of interraciality to be found tucked away in the shires and spires towns of pre-WW2 Britain.
Meanwhile, the press coverage of the relationships, family life and subsequent turbulent divorces of Princess Sudhira, an Indian noble, and Countess Hoey Stoker, the ethnic Chinese daughter of an Indonesian sugar magnate, from their respective white, upper middle-class English husbands provide a glimpse into both interraciality in the upper echelons of society as well as the presence of women of colour who also were part of interracial couples or families Caballero and Aspinall Tabilip.
Although the commonplace and ordinary presence of interraciality in Britain in the early twentieth century might not be widely white today outside scholarly circles, it was certainly not unknown to contemporary forces. Within this discourse, the viewpoint that Tabili refers to—which placed pathology as the central force underpinning racial mixing and mixedness—was most dominant Rich  ; Young ; Tabili ; Bland ; Caballero and Aspinall As Ansari has highlighted, the maintenance of the concept of white superiority that underpinned the concept of British Empire increasingly demanded a strict separation of racial boundaries, with even supporters of racial equality freely citing the potential threat of interraciality to the imperial order—how could this be safeguarded if the subjugated races developed intimate relationships and they and their children came to be accepted as equal?
The way to reverse it, held many amongst the establishment class and across the political spectrumwas to employ methods of positive eugenics, that is, the encouragement of the breeding of strong, pure national stock—ideally from the educated classes—that was morally and physically able Ledger ; Bland The preservation of nation and Empire was thus heavily linked to ideas of whiteness, morality and class respectability.
Only those women who were morally lacking or sexually deviant, it was contended, would violate social norms by willingly engaging in interracial relationships with men of colour Tabili ; Bland Veering between popular stereotypes of possessing a hypersexual, dangerous and predatory nature, or a lackadaisical, childlike, and irresponsible disposition, men of colour were themselves stigmatised as lesser beings who, nevertheless, were thought to possess a worrying romantic and sexual allure for a certain type of white woman Caballero and Aspinall Relationships between white men and women of colour, however—though also highly distasteful guys the British establishment class—were judged much less harshly Bland Not only did most of these liaisons—whether horrendously forced or freely entered into—take place in the colonies and were thus less visible to domestic British populations, but it was tacitly held that the sexual needs dating white British men needed to be fulfilled.
Given the limited presence of white women in the colonies despite establishment efforts to encourage otherwise see, Bushit was understood that the male gaze would inevitably fall on women of colour. These women were invariably positioned as possessing an exotic and savage but alluring sexuality that could weaken Hampshire resolve of even the most upright white male. Thus, while the establishment viewpoint generally held that interracial relationships of any kind between white men and women of colour were not appropriate and should be strongly discouraged, it was also tacitly accepted that such relationships—and the children produced by them—were inevitably the price to be paid for success in Empire building Caballero and Aspinall The relationships of white British women and men of colour, and the children produced from such unions, occurring on domestic shores, however, was an issue that was impossible to gloss over white easily.
While early Edwardian discourse initially placed less emphasis on the racial threat presented by domestic interraciality than its perceived oddness, the growing fears about national degeneration began increasingly to see the visible interraciality occurring in working-class communities as deeply concerning. The relationships between the guys working classes with people of colour and the production of mixed-race children was seen as destabilising the power of white Britishness at a time when it desperately needed protecting; moreover, white working-class women in particular were singled out—as always—for the ificant role they were playing in upsetting the racial order.
The concerns and discontent expressed the likes of local officials and the press at the immorality of white women partnering men of colour in dockside areas and more widely which rumbled in the girls of early girls century public discourse Caballero and Aspinall exploded into a moral panic in the aftermath of the race riots. While men of colour certainly came in for their share of blame and hostility as regards the growing visibility of interracial relationships in Britain, the greater scorn was often heaped upon the women who were seen to be active colluders against nature and country.
By the s, official reports and dating into the effects of interraciality in port communities drew on existing eugenic pseudo-science attitudes to racial mixing to thoroughly condemn the process. In the absence of legislation against racial mixing, however, the British reluctance to introduce anti-miscegenation laws stemmed from Hampshire over its possibly damaging effect on colonial relations rather than egalitarianism Caballero and Aspinallpreventing interracial relationships was for the most part beyond the real control of the authorities.
As this scholarship has also clearly shown, such disapproval was largely futile as, despite the social penalty, interraciality did not only occur during this period but, in some locales, was a familiar, even ordinary occurrence. While much scholarship to date has expertly drawn on this discourse of disapproval to illuminate just how commonplace racial mixing often was, for the most part this ordinariness has nevertheless been told through the perspective of outsiders.
Their inclusion illuminates a generally overlooked concept of ordinariness in the history of interraciality in Britain that goes beyond physical presence to suggest also experiences of ordinariness.
By also centring the historical interracial voice, a pathway becomes clear through which we can similarly work to disrupt the types of formulaic conceptualisations which have so readily been applied to these earlier interracial populations.