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The highest-profile public-works tragedy of the past decade has triggered a bigger breakdown in trust—and carries a lesson for post-Covid America.

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Derek Robertson is digital editor for Indianapolis Monthly. Earlier tests already hinted at good news, and this one confirmed it: In the vast majority of such homes, lead levels were 5 parts per billion or better—far below even the strictest regulations in the country. But a few weeks later, another, equally remarkable thing happened.

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People flocked to the pickup locations. They lined up their cars and popped their trunks to collect cases of water to use in their homes—water in bottles, from somewhere else, that they actually trusted. From an outside perspective, it sounds like a happy ending. For people who live in Flint, the story looks very different. After six years of lies, deliberate or not, a revolving door in a disempowered City Hall, and the dysfunction wrought by a high-profile, high-stakes recovery process, they find themselves still unable to trust either their water or the people telling them to drink it.

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Providing water and appropriating settlement funds are simple compared with the task the city now faces: convincing its residents not only that they have a future, but that they can trust their government to provide for their most basic of needs. And with the gravity of that loss comes fast possibility that no of promises kept, and no amount of empirically-provable repair, can bring it back.

They flirting not trust their criminal justice system, with no incentive to respect a system that allows elites to break the law with impunity. They might not trust the of a presidential election, behaving as if they live in a banana republic and not a robust, if flawed, democracy. In that scenario, Flint future of American politics looks a little less like the nation before Covid or before Trump, and a little more like Flint in Even before its pipes started leaching lead, Flint was deeply in trouble, as badly off as any other Rust Belt city—or worse.

Since the slow-motion collapse of the American auto manufacturing industry, its population had shrunk by 50 percent from its postwar peak to just underresidents. Adding to its economic woes, much like its larger cousin down the road, Flint has a vexed political relationship with the state.

There are plenty of ways to tell the story of what went wrong in Flint leading to that moment.

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After the city entered a state of financial emergency during the Great Recession, state, city and county officials collectively decided to save money by switching to a new water source. On that day in April, the plan came to fruition. Not long after, residents started to complain about strange odors and brackish, brown water coming out of their pipes. In Augustthe city issued a boil water advisory after fecal bacteria were identified in the water.

By the time the U. For months, it turned out, Flint had had been exposing its residents to that lead at levels that could cause lifelong damage to the health of its children.

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Although Walling literally pressed the button, the decision to use Flint River water had much deeper roots. Walling was elected in to succeed Williamson, after the latter reed rather than face a recall election.

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As well as being a Rhodes Scholar, he was an aide to the former U. Urbane where his predecessor was crass, credentialed where Williamson had only a rap sheetbrainy instead of flexing his political brawn, Walling was exactly the kind of homegrown talent a troubled, once-proud city needed.

Walling is now a consultant and occasional college adjunct, imparting hard-earned wisdom from his time in office to the would-be technocrats of tomorrow. I lose reelection [that November,] and Mayor [Karen] Weaver gets sworn in.

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When he looks back at his time in office, Walling remembers it the same way that many of his constituents probably do: as a time of being caught flat-footed, without recourse or relief. Regardless of how people may feel about her administration, if she had not done that emergency declaration, Flint would not have been international news.

But her tenure in office revealed the difficulties faced by all outsiders once they get inside. Activists heralded her election, but during her four years in office, Weaver frequently stumbled. In the past 12 years, then, Flint has had four different mayors.

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Its water source was switched from a Detroit-owned plant on Lake Huron to the Flint River, and back again. And then they failed, too. Once things started to look hinky, local elected officials could have made a different decision. But after that, nothing was simple.

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Like many older cities, Flint had no clear record of which pipes were outdated or dangerous; such information was scrawled on more thannote cards that languished in a city basement, some more than a century old. The information they provided was, to be generous, incomplete. To remedy that and determine which homes were most likely to have harmful lead pipes in need of replacement, in a team of computer scientists at the University of Michigan developed a machine-learning model. Weaver, who did not respond to a request for comment for this story, was roundly criticized in Flint and throughout the state for her handling of the pipe replacement program.

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She does, however, have an unlikely defender: Dayne Walling, the man she defeated Flint become mayor. I think you can do 75 percent of one and 25 percent of the other, but what actually happened was that it went totally the other way. Jim Ananich, the state senator and Flint politics lifer who has represented the city fast the local and state level for 15 years, is equally sympathetic, saying the issues with pipe replacement speak to how the flirting crisis touches everything from public health to good governance and infrastructure.

There was no question that the program was not the most efficient at times, and I think there were a lot of contractors that had never done this kind of work before. Like nearly everyone I interviewed for this story, Ananich has his own personal story about dissatisfaction with the pipe-replacement program. In his case, tired of waiting for the city, he hired a crew to swap out the pipes on his own dime.

But he acknowledges that many others are not as fortunate. Chandra Walker-Smith is among them. Its most recent official update, from early October, shows that lead and galvanized steel pipes have been replaced in 9, homes. Fewer than remain to be inspected.

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Republican Former Attorney General Bill Schuette appointed special prosecutor Todd Flood to head a broad, aggressive criminal investigation into the water crisis. But now Flint finds this form of resolution, too, possibly slipping out of reach. The new investigators accused Flood of failing to adequately examine all the evidence available to him, saying that even his various felony charges may have been too lenient given the scope of the potential malfeasance.

Perhaps she did intend to push harder, but Flint felt angry and betrayed. Instead, they ended up spending most of the evening hearing from anguished Flint residents skeptical they would see further convictions or ability at all. I covered this meeting in my former role as a reporter for the Michigan Advance. By then, more than five years had passed since the switch flipped that began the crisis.

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Angry resident after angry resident stepped up to the podium to question the investigators about grievances new and old, physical and psychic. You ended [the investigation]. Many of the residents who lined up to speak did so through tears.

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And a year and a half later, no new charges have been filed. Like, what the hell are you doing? At that town hall, what people walked away feeling is that the attorney general now feels like Todd Flood poisoned us all.

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This year, Ananich, the state senator, sponsored a bill that would have extended the statute of limitations, but it lost momentum just as the Covid pandemic took hold. She believes the state vastly underplayed, and therefore worsened, that outbreak at the time. Both sides of my family are here. Despite a parade of presidential contenders through the city in andeager to prove their bona fides on environmental and racial justice, Flint residents are skeptical that their salvation will come through the ballot box.

Flint has fought tooth and nail to reach something that even vaguely resembles normalcy. But that pride is matched—doubled, really—by a hard-bitten awareness that with the end of a crisis comes a new batch of problems, with less obvious solutions.

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Those in Flint who choose to stick around and help find those solutions now face an improbable-seeming question, after nearly seven full years of crisis. Flint Has Clean Water Now.

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